Executive Summary
Between 2019 and 2025, the cost of living in the United States rose about 26%, the steepest sustained run of inflation in four decades. Headline inflation peaked in June 2022 at 9.1% year-over-year — a level not seen since 1981.
For a working family, the story is not really the headline number. It is the specific, unavoidable bills. Groceries rose about 32% over the period. A carton of eggs nearly tripled. The cost of feeding a family of four on the USDA's no-frills "thrifty" plan climbed from roughly $655 a month in 2019 to about $1,010 in 2025 — from under $7,900 a year to more than $12,000. Rent, electricity, and car insurance all outran the headline rate.
Paychecks did move. Average hourly wages for production and non-supervisory workers — the closest thing to a "working-man's wage" the government publishes — rose about 31% in nominal terms, slightly ahead of the all-items CPI. But that headline gain hides two hard facts. First, for roughly two years (2021–2022) prices rose faster than paychecks, so real wages fell and families burned through savings to keep up. Second, when measured against the things you cannot skip — food, shelter, energy, insurance — wages lost ground badly: real wages are up only about 4% since 2019, while every major essential category rose far more than that.
So where did the extra money go? A growing body of research finds an unusually large share went to corporate profits. The Economic Policy Institute calculated that from mid-2020 through 2021, corporate profits accounted for about 54% of the growth in unit prices in the non-financial corporate sector — against a historical norm near 11%. Labor costs, over the same window, contributed under 8%. After-tax corporate profits as a share of GDP hit a post-war record in 2021, and net margins reached their widest since the 1950s.
This report compiles the numbers behind that squeeze: prices versus paychecks, the real cost of a family grocery run, the essentials that broke budgets, and the profit data that shows where the money landed. The accompanying CSV files (01_* through 06_*) are structured for direct re-use.
How to Read These Numbers
Three distinctions matter before any chart makes sense.
Nominal vs. real. A nominal wage is the dollar figure on your paycheck. A real wage adjusts that figure for inflation — what the paycheck actually buys. Nominal wages almost always rise; the question is whether they rise faster than prices. From 2019 to 2025 nominal wages rose ~31% and prices rose ~26%, so real wages eked out a small gain. But the timing was brutal: real wages declined for most of 2021 and 2022 before recovering.
Headline vs. essentials. The all-items CPI blends everything — including categories (electronics, used cars after 2022, airfares) where prices fell or flattened. Working families spend a disproportionate share of income on a narrower set of essentials: food, housing, energy, transportation, insurance, childcare, and health care. Those categories rose faster than the headline. A budget built mostly from essentials inflated faster than the official "average."
Levels vs. rates. When news reports say "inflation has cooled to 2.7%," that is a rate — prices are still rising, just more slowly. The level of prices does not fall back. The 26% increase since 2019 is, for the most part, permanent. Disinflation is not deflation.
Prices vs Paychecks: The Headline Gap
Rebased to 2019 = 100, the all-items CPI reached roughly 126 by 2025 — a 26% increase in the general price level. Grocery prices (food at home) ran ahead of that, reaching about 132. Nominal wages for production and non-supervisory workers reached about 131, modestly outpacing the headline CPI by 2025.
The headline comparison is genuinely mixed, and honesty requires saying so: over the full six-year window, the typical paycheck roughly matched — even slightly beat — average inflation, and the largest real gains went to lower-wage workers. But the path was not smooth. In 2022, the wage index (116) trailed the food index (122) and barely led the headline CPI (114). That single year — when a 9% inflation rate met sub-5% raises — is the period most families remember as "everything got expensive overnight."
The lived experience of falling behind is real even though the six-year arithmetic shows wages catching up, because (a) the worst of the gap hit all at once, (b) it concentrated in unavoidable spending, and (c) price levels never reset.
Prices vs Wages, Indexed (2019 = 100)
| Year | All-items CPI | Groceries | Nominal wages | Real wages |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2019 | 100 | 100 | 100 | 100 |
| 2020 | 101.2 | 103.8 | 104.9 | 103.6 |
| 2021 | 106 | 107.8 | 109.8 | 103.6 |
| 2022 | 114.5 | 121.6 | 116.2 | 101.5 |
| 2023 | 119.2 | 126.6 | 122 | 102.4 |
| 2024 | 122.7 | 128.2 | 126.6 | 103.2 |
| 2025 | 126 | 131.6 | 131 | 104 |
The Grocery Shock: What It Costs to Feed a Family
Nowhere was inflation more visible than the grocery aisle. Using the Bureau of Labor Statistics' average-price series, a basket of staples shows the spread:
- Eggs rose about 196% (roughly tripling), driven by highly pathogenic avian influenza that culled tens of millions of laying hens; prices briefly topped $6/dozen in early 2025.
- Orange juice rose ~96%, on citrus greening disease and Florida hurricanes.
- Coffee rose ~67%, sugar ~65%, ground beef ~60%.
- Even the cheap staples climbed: bread ~52%, rice ~42%, potatoes ~36%.
- Bananas (~14%) were the rare near-exception.
The cumulative effect on a family budget is captured by the USDA's Cost of Food at Home plans, which price a week's groceries for a reference family of four. The bare-bones Thrifty Food Plan — the basis for SNAP benefit levels — rose from about $655/month in 2019 to roughly $1,010/month in 2025. The "moderate" plan most middle-income families actually live on climbed from about $1,065 to $1,345 a month — an extra ~$3,360 a year just to put the same kind of food on the table.
One methodology note matters here: the USDA re-evaluated the Thrifty Food Plan in August 2021, raising it about 21% in the first cost-of-diet update since the plan's creation. That makes thrifty-plan figures from 2021 onward not strictly comparable to 2019–2020, and part of the thrifty-line jump reflects that re-basing rather than pure inflation. The moderate and liberal plans were not re-based and offer a cleaner price signal.
Grocery Staple Prices, 2019 → 2025
| Item | Unit | 2019 | 2025 | Change |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Eggs (grade A large) | dozen | $1.40 | $4.15 | +196% |
| Orange juice (frozen concentrate) | 16 oz | $2.30 | $4.50 | +96% |
| Coffee (ground roast) | lb | $4.30 | $7.20 | +67% |
| Sugar (white) | lb | $0.62 | $1.02 | +65% |
| Ground beef (100% beef) | lb | $3.81 | $6.10 | +60% |
| Chicken breast (boneless) | lb | $3.10 | $4.45 | +44% |
| Potatoes (white) | lb | $0.77 | $1.05 | +36% |
| Bacon (sliced) | lb | $5.60 | $7.10 | +27% |
| Bananas | lb | $0.57 | $0.65 | +14% |
| Milk (whole | fortified) | n/a | $3.04 | +4% |
| Bread (white | pan) | n/a | $1.28 | +2% |
| Rice (white | long grain) | n/a | $0.72 | +1% |
Cost to Feed a Family of Four (USDA, monthly)
| Year | Thrifty | Low-cost | Moderate | Liberal |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2019 | $655 | $855 | $1,065 | $1,300 |
| 2020 | $680 | $890 | $1,100 | $1,340 |
| 2021 | $835 | $905 | $1,120 | $1,370 |
| 2022 | $940 | $1,010 | $1,235 | $1,500 |
| 2023 | $975 | $1,050 | $1,290 | $1,565 |
| 2024 | $985 | $1,065 | $1,310 | $1,590 |
| 2025 | $1,010 | $1,095 | $1,345 | $1,630 |
The Squeeze in the Things You Can't Skip
The all-items CPI rose 26%. But the categories a working family cannot opt out of rose more:
| Category | Cumulative change 2019→2025 |
|---|---|
| Eggs | +196% |
| Motor-vehicle insurance | +54% |
| Electricity | +33% |
| Groceries (food at home) | +32% |
| Restaurant meals | +32% |
| Rent of primary residence | +31% |
| Gasoline | +24% |
| Childcare & preschool | +22% |
| Medical-care services | +15% |
| Overall CPI (reference) | +26% |
| Nominal wages (reference) | +31% |
| Real wages (reference) | +4% |
Set against real wage growth of about +4%, every essential in the table is a loss. Motor-vehicle insurance alone rose more than ten times faster than real pay. Rent — the single largest line in most household budgets — rose roughly 31%, eight times the real-wage gain. This is the arithmetic behind the gap between official statistics that say "wages kept up" and a kitchen-table reality that says they did not.
Essential-Category Inflation vs Wage Growth
| Category | Type | Cumulative change |
|---|---|---|
| Eggs | essential | +196.4% |
| Motor vehicle insurance | essential | +54% |
| Electricity | essential | +33% |
| Groceries (food at home) | essential | +32% |
| Restaurant meals (food away from home) | essential | +31.5% |
| Rent of primary residence | essential | +30.5% |
| Gasoline | essential | +24% |
| Childcare and nursery school | essential | +22% |
| Medical care services | essential | +15% |
| Overall CPI | reference: overall | +26% |
| Nominal wages | reference: wage nominal | +31% |
| Real wages | reference: wage real | +4% |
Oil, Gas, and the Iran War
No essential is more politically charged — or more visible at a roadside sign — than the price of gasoline. The Iran conflict tested it twice, and the contrast between the two episodes is the whole story.
Act one — the 2025 scare that reversed. Israel struck Iranian targets beginning June 13, 2025; the United States hit the Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan nuclear sites on June 21–22; a ceasefire held from June 24. For about two weeks, traders priced in the tail risk that Iran might close the Strait of Hormuz, the chokepoint for nearly a fifth of global oil. Brent jumped from the mid-$60s to an intraday peak near $81. But Iran's response was limited, the strait stayed open, and the risk premium drained as fast as it appeared. By late summer 2025 crude was back in the $60s and gasoline near $3.00–$3.20 a gallon. The lesson seemed to be that energy swings hardest on headlines and reverts fastest.
Act two — the 2026 crisis that didn't. This time the tail risk happened. Military action that began on February 28, 2026 led to the de facto closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has been effectively shut to shipping traffic since. With ~20% of global oil supply disrupted, major producers — Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE — declared force majeure and shut in output. Prices did not round-trip this time:
- Brent rose from about $61 in early January to roughly $71 in February, crossed $100 on March 12, and closed the first quarter at $118.
- In April, Brent averaged $117/barrel — $46 above February and the highest monthly average since June 2022 — with a daily peak of $138 on April 7.
- The EIA expects Brent to stay around $106/barrel through May and June 2026 while the disruption persists, easing only later in the year (a forecast ~$89 in Q4) as Middle East production recovers.
- At the pump, U.S. regular retail gasoline reached $3.99/gallon on March 30 — its highest in real terms in over two years — and the EIA's full-year 2026 forecast is $3.88/gallon, up sharply from $3.10 in 2025.
The Brent–WTI spread tells you who is most exposed: normally about $4, it widened to a $11 March average and a $25 peak as the seaborne, globally-traded Brent benchmark spiked far above landlocked U.S. WTI. The shock lands hardest on regions dependent on waterborne crude.
So the honest picture has changed since this site first went up. Across 2019–2024, energy was the essential that reverted — up only modestly and full of headfakes like the 2025 scare. The 2026 Hormuz closure is a genuine, sustained supply shock layered on top of an already-stretched family budget: a household that had clawed back real-wage ground now faces ~$4 gasoline on top of groceries that never came down. Whether it proves temporary depends entirely on the strait reopening.
A caveat specific to this section: the monthly figures are distributed to match the EIA Short-Term Energy Outlook's published 2026 quarterly averages (May 2026 STEO: Brent Q1 $81.11 / Q2 $109.73; WTI Q1 $72.74 / Q2 $96.42; regular-grade retail gasoline Q1 $3.13 / Q2 $4.31), pinned to EIA's stated points where given (February Brent ≈$71, April $117 with a $138 daily peak on April 7, gasoline $3.99 on March 30). May and June 2026 reflect EIA's forecast, not settled data. Refresh against the latest EIA data and Short-Term Energy Outlook as the conflict develops.
Oil & Gas — the 2026 Strait of Hormuz Crisis Highlighted
| Month | Brent ($/bbl) | WTI ($/bbl) | Gasoline ($/gal) | War period |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2024-01 | $80 | $74 | $3.10 | no |
| 2024-02 | $82 | $77 | $3.25 | no |
| 2024-03 | $85 | $81 | $3.45 | no |
| 2024-04 | $89 | $85 | $3.60 | no |
| 2024-05 | $82 | $78 | $3.60 | no |
| 2024-06 | $82 | $79 | $3.45 | no |
| 2024-07 | $85 | $82 | $3.50 | no |
| 2024-08 | $80 | $76 | $3.45 | no |
| 2024-09 | $74 | $70 | $3.25 | no |
| 2024-10 | $76 | $71 | $3.15 | no |
| 2024-11 | $74 | $69 | $3.05 | no |
| 2024-12 | $73 | $70 | $3.00 | no |
| 2025-01 | $79 | $75 | $3.10 | no |
| 2025-02 | $75 | $71 | $3.15 | no |
| 2025-03 | $72 | $68 | $3.15 | no |
| 2025-04 | $66 | $63 | $3.15 | no |
| 2025-05 | $64 | $61 | $3.10 | no |
| 2025-06 | $71 | $68 | $3.20 | no |
| 2025-07 | $70 | $67 | $3.20 | no |
| 2025-08 | $67 | $64 | $3.10 | no |
| 2025-09 | $66 | $63 | $3.05 | no |
| 2025-10 | $64 | $61 | $3.00 | no |
| 2025-11 | $63 | $60 | $2.98 | no |
| 2025-12 | $64 | $61 | $3.00 | no |
| 2026-01 | $66 | $62 | $3.00 | no |
| 2026-02 | $71 | $65 | $3.10 | yes |
| 2026-03 | $106 | $91 | $3.30 | yes |
| 2026-04 | $117 | $100 | $4.45 | yes |
| 2026-05 | $106 | $95 | $4.35 | yes |
| 2026-06 | $106 | $94 | $4.15 | yes |
Where the Money Actually Went
If wages were not driving the price surge, what was? Part of the answer is genuine cost shocks: snarled supply chains, an energy spike after Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, avian flu, drought. But a striking share of the increase flowed straight to the bottom line.
The Economic Policy Institute decomposed the growth in unit prices in the non-financial corporate sector. Historically (1979–2019), corporate profits accounted for about 11% of that growth, with unit labor costs about 62%. From the second quarter of 2020 through the end of 2021, the mix inverted: profits contributed about 54% and labor costs under 8%. The Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City reached a similar conclusion for 2021, and the Groundwork Collaborative found corporate profits drove over 50% of inflation in mid-2023.
The macro data agrees. After-tax corporate profits as a share of GDP rose from about 9% in 2019 to a post-war record near 11.8% in 2021, and net profit margins for non-financial corporations reached their widest since the 1950s. Firms did not merely pass rising costs through to consumers; many widened their margins while doing it — what economists have called "sellers' inflation" or, less politely, "greedflation."
This does not mean greed caused the inflation — the initial shocks were real, and profit shares have since drifted down from their 2021 peak. But it does locate where a large slice of the extra dollars families paid actually ended up: not in workers' wages, and not entirely in higher input costs, but in profits.
Contribution to Price Growth: Profits vs Labor vs Inputs
| Component | 1979–2019 average | 2020–2021 |
|---|---|---|
| Corporate profits | 11.4% | 53.9% |
| Non-labor input costs | 26.8% | 38.3% |
| Unit labor costs | 61.8% | 7.9% |
Corporate Profitability, 2019–2025
| Year | After-tax profit share of GDP | Nonfinancial net margin |
|---|---|---|
| 2019 | 9% | 13.5% |
| 2020 | 9.7% | 13.2% |
| 2021 | 11.8% | 15.8% |
| 2022 | 11.5% | 15.5% |
| 2023 | 10.9% | 14.6% |
| 2024 | 11.1% | 14.9% |
| 2025 | 10.8% | 14.5% |
Why Wages "Caught Up" but Families Still Feel Behind
By 2024–2025, official figures show real wages back above their 2019 level. So why does the squeeze still feel real?
- The damage was front-loaded. The 2021–2022 real-wage decline meant families ran down pandemic savings, leaned on credit cards, and fell behind — a hole that a later, modest real-wage recovery does not refill. Credit-card balances and delinquencies hit multi-year highs.
- Levels, not rates. Prices stopped accelerating; they did not reverse. Groceries that cost 32% more still cost 32% more.
- Essentials outran the average. A budget dominated by rent, food, insurance, and childcare inflated faster than the headline that wages were "beating."
- Averages hide distributions. Aggregate wage gains were concentrated; many households in the middle saw raises that lagged their own cost of living even as the national average looked fine.
The honest synthesis: the U.S. labor market delivered real wage growth over the full period, and that is a genuinely better outcome than the 1970s. But the composition and timing of inflation — concentrated in essentials, front-loaded in pain, and accompanied by record corporate margins — explains why "the numbers say you're ahead" rings hollow at the checkout.
Methodology and Caveats
- Indices are rebased to 2019 = 100 from BLS annual averages, for readability. Underlying levels and series IDs are in
99_sources.mdand the per-rowsourcecolumns. - Wages use the BLS Current Employment Statistics average hourly earnings of production and non-supervisory employees, total private — a blue-collar proxy. Using all-employee earnings or median weekly earnings shifts the levels modestly but not the story.
- 2025 figures are preliminary partial-year estimates compiled in mid-2025 and will be revised. They are flagged in every CSV.
- The Thrifty Food Plan break (Aug 2021) means thrifty-plan dollars from 2021 onward include a ~21% methodological re-basing; do not read the full thrifty series as pure inflation.
- Average prices (file
02) are U.S. city averages and will not match any single store or region. - Profit decomposition (file
04) covers the non-financial corporate sector and the specific 2020Q2–2021Q4 window studied by EPI; it is a contribution-share analysis, not a claim that profits caused inflation. - All percentage values are stored as
26.0(not0.26). Currency is U.S. dollars, no symbols in raw values.